{"id":120,"date":"2022-09-26T20:54:13","date_gmt":"2022-09-26T23:54:13","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/?p=120"},"modified":"2022-09-27T15:26:50","modified_gmt":"2022-09-27T18:26:50","slug":"public-discourse-democracy-and-the-brazilian-presidential-election-on-metas-facebook","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/2022\/09\/26\/public-discourse-democracy-and-the-brazilian-presidential-election-on-metas-facebook\/","title":{"rendered":"REPORT: Public Discourse, Democracy and the Brazilian Presidential Election on Meta&#8217;s Facebook"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft wp-image-135 size-medium\" src=\"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-15.51.24-e1664236366629-400x262.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"400\" height=\"262\" srcset=\"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-15.51.24-e1664236366629-400x262.png 400w, https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-15.51.24-e1664236366629-1024x670.png 1024w, https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-15.51.24-e1664236366629-768x503.png 768w, https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-15.51.24-e1664236366629-1536x1005.png 1536w, https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-15.51.24-e1664236366629-2048x1340.png 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\" \/>Overview of results:\u00a0<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">The discussion and views about<\/span><strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">\u00a0democracy in Brazil are very polarized<\/span><\/strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">\u00a0on Facebook&#8217;s public groups and posts. This polarization is based on two groups:\u00a0<\/span><strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">pro-Bolsonaro and pro-Lula<\/span><\/strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">.<\/span><\/li>\n<li><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">Each group uses the same concepts but with different connections, indicating a\u00a0<\/span><strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">dispute over the meaning of these discourses;<\/span><\/strong><\/li>\n<li><strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">Pro-Bolsonaro&#8217;s cluster uses democracy connected to the defense of a &#8220;coup&#8221;<\/span><\/strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">\u00a0since they argue there will be fraud in the election;<\/span><\/li>\n<li><strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">Disinformation and conspiracies<\/span><\/strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">\u00a0about the Supreme Court, the electronic ballot, polls, media, and the election<\/span><strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">\u00a0circulate to support this &#8220;fraud&#8221; discourse on the pro-Bolsonaro cluster<\/span><\/strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">;<\/span><\/li>\n<li><strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">Democracy in the pro-Lula cluster is connected to the defense of the democratic institutions<\/span><\/strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">\u00a0such as the vote and the ballot and the fight against Bolsonaro&#8217;s supporters&#8217; views on a coup.<\/span><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">Context<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n<p><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">On Sunday, October 2nd, Brazil will vote for president. Most polls indicate leftist\u00a0<\/span><a class=\"editor-rtfLink\" href=\"https:\/\/www.economist.com\/interactive\/brazil-2022\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">Lula da Silva ahead of the dispute, with the far-right candidate and current president, Jair Bolsonaro as the runner-up, but far from Lula<\/span><\/a><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">This election is probably one of the most polarized ones in a long time in the country, thus, it is expected that the campaign was also very polarized. In fact, most of the campaign was marked by\u00a0<\/span><a class=\"editor-rtfLink\" href=\"https:\/\/www.hrw.org\/news\/2021\/09\/15\/brazil-bolsonaro-threatens-democratic-rule\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">Bolsonaro&#8217;s frequent attacks and threats to the election system and the electronic ballot<\/span><\/a><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">\u00a0and election\u00a0<\/span><a class=\"editor-rtfLink\" href=\"https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/americas\/brazils-bolsonaro-says-he-wont-hand-over-presidency-if-there-is-vote-fraud-2021-07-01\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">fraud claims<\/span><\/a><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">. The current Brazilian president used\u00a0<\/span><a class=\"editor-rtfLink\" href=\"https:\/\/www.aljazeera.com\/news\/2022\/9\/6\/bolsonaros-false-fraud-claims-involve-this-brazil-voting-system\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">several occasions to share his beliefs in conspiracies to take him out and for &#8220;communism&#8221; to take over the country<\/span><\/a><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">. Bolsonaros&#8217; speeches during office often used conspiracy theories and disinformation to attack his opposers and Brazilian&#8217;s democratic institutions He also often<\/span><a class=\"editor-rtfLink\" href=\"https:\/\/noticias.uol.com.br\/politica\/ultimas-noticias\/2022\/09\/07\/bolsonaro-cita-golpe-militar-1964-cafe-da-manha-independencia.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">\u00a0showed support for a military coup<\/span><\/a><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">\u00a0and claimed there was never a dictatorship in the country, even though Brazil endured a 30-year one.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">Bolsonaro&#8217;s populist discourse<\/span><strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">\u00a0mimics other far-right populist leaders, based on conservative&#8217;s views on costumes<\/span><\/strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">\u00a0(even often the president himself often makes sexual innuendos in public speeches), s<\/span><strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">upport of the military dictatorship, criticism of democratic institutions, anti-elites and anti-scientific views, support of religious extremism and others<\/span><\/strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">The Brazilian Supreme Court and the Supreme Electoral Court both\u00a0<\/span><a class=\"editor-rtfLink\" href=\"https:\/\/g1.globo.com\/jornal-nacional\/noticia\/2022\/09\/21\/tse-apresenta-novos-recursos-da-urna-eletronica-para-tornar-votacao-mais-inclusiva.ghtml\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">held several meetings to show the electronic ballot process<\/span><\/a><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">\u00a0(which has been used in the country for more than 25 years) and allow for security checks, as well as public scrutiny forms to check for election results. In August,\u00a0<\/span><a class=\"editor-rtfLink\" href=\"https:\/\/www.ft.com\/content\/858e34de-cd74-4902-bb02-8bbad747c286\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">several Brazilian authorities, scholars, personalities, and politicians launched the &#8220;pro-democracy letter&#8221; against Bolsonaro&#8217;s anti-democratic views<\/span><\/a><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">Lula da Silva, on the other hand, rarely talked about the election process and mostly criticized Bolsonaro&#8217;s anti-democratic claims and threats. Lula was the president for two mandates, at the beginning of 2000, and is the representative of the Worker&#8217;s Party, associated with the left in the country.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">In this context, the key question we look into in this research is:\u00a0<\/span><strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">How does the concept of democracy appear for different candidates&#8217; supporters in this polarized context? <\/span><\/strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">We believe that the idea of conspiracy and coups in the country will be connected to different views of what democracy is &#8211; and how the election represents this process.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">Methods<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n<p><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">To explore this question, <strong>we collected data from CrowdTangle<\/strong>, focusing on Brazilian Portuguese and the word &#8220;democracy&#8221; from the beginning of the presidential campaign (August 15th) to September 22nd. We collected <strong>15076 public pages and groups that posted content about democracy and 36227 links connected to these posts.<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<p><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">To explore the network of links and pages we used\u00a0<\/span><a class=\"editor-rtfLink\" href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Social_network_analysis\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">Social Network Analysis<\/span><\/a><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">, focusing on a bi-partite network, with nodes that are links and public pages\/groups. We used indegree to map the links that were shared the most and outdegree to show the pages\/groups with more activity on sharing these links. We explored the network structure using clusterization algorithms on Gephi.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">Based on the network structure, we <strong>extracted the most shared links for each cluster<\/strong> and t<strong>he posts that were used to share them<\/strong>. We further analyzed the type of link shared and the content of the post, to understand how these contents described democracy. For this step, we used\u00a0<\/span><a class=\"editor-rtfLink\" href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Content_analysis\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">content analysis<\/span><\/a><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">\u00a0to classify the links and co-occurrence of concepts to create networks of association to describe the discourse from each group.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><strong>Polarized link-sharing Structure<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>First of all, as expected, the <strong>network is very polarized,<\/strong> with two big groups of nodes that share similar content and almost no connections between these groups. <span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">These networks comprise mostly a cluster of pages\/groups of\u00a0<\/span><strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">Lula&#8217;s supporters (on the left) and Bolsonaro&#8217;s supporters (on the right).<\/span><\/strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\"> The clusterized structure implies that both groups shared different links, and each group of links circulated the most within the group (Figure 1).<\/span><\/p>\n<figure id=\"attachment_122\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-122\" style=\"width: 400px\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-122 size-medium\" src=\"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-16.11.03-e1663873969701-400x259.png\" alt=\"Polarized structure\" width=\"400\" height=\"259\" srcset=\"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-16.11.03-e1663873969701-400x259.png 400w, https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-16.11.03-e1663873969701-1024x663.png 1024w, https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-16.11.03-e1663873969701-768x497.png 768w, https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-16.11.03-e1663873969701-1536x994.png 1536w, https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-16.11.03-e1663873969701-2048x1325.png 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\" \/><figcaption id=\"caption-attachment-122\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Figure 1: Public pages and groups that shared similar content.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">The pages and groups are mostly from supporters of each candidate, however, <\/span><strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">the sources of the most shared links come from different types of sources<\/span><\/strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\"><strong>Lula&#8217;s supporters group shared mostly links from <\/strong><\/span><strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">media outlets<\/span><\/strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">\u00a0(such as Folha, UOL, Metropoles, Globo, and others), as well as the &#8220;<\/span><a class=\"editor-rtfLink\" href=\"https:\/\/agenciabrasil.ebc.com.br\/en\/geral\/noticia\/2022-08\/sp-act-democracy-brings-together-intellectuals-businessmen-and-politicians\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">pro-democracy letter<\/span><\/a><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">&#8220;. From the 30 most shared links, we found 20 links from media outlets, and 10 from other Facebook pages &#8211; Lula&#8217;s supporters). <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">On the Bolsonaro&#8217;s supporter&#8217;s side, on the other hand, most shared content came from\u00a0<\/span><strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">other pages\/groups on Facebook and youtube videos<\/span><\/strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">. These contents often made innuendos about how there was a conspiracy to elect Lula da Silva; criticized polls, saying they were &#8220;false&#8221;; criticized the Supreme Court and the Electoral Court and the ministers and other institutions. Thus, most of the content shared within\u00a0<\/span><strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">pro-Bolsonaro&#8217;s cluster was based on disinformation<\/span><\/strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">, false images, edited content to make false claims, and conspiracy theories (see example on Figure 2). The most interesting part, however, was that part of the most shared links come from <\/span><strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">official chambers of deputy and senate candidate pages<\/span><\/strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">, Bolsonaro&#8217;s supporters. From the 30 most shared links, we found 15 videos from other Facebook pages with disinformation; 5 youtube videos with disinformation, and 10 links from hyperpartisan outlets.<\/span><\/p>\n<figure id=\"attachment_127\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-127\" style=\"width: 394px\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-127\" src=\"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-17.13.34-394x400.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"394\" height=\"400\" srcset=\"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-17.13.34-394x400.png 394w, https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-17.13.34-1010x1024.png 1010w, https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-17.13.34-768x779.png 768w, https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-17.13.34.png 1282w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 394px) 100vw, 394px\" \/><figcaption id=\"caption-attachment-127\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Figure 2: Example of disinformation on the most shared links by Bolsonaro&#8217;s supporters. The image compares Bolsonaro&#8217;s rallies after the beginning with early pictures of Lula&#8217;s rallies, when supporters were still arriving. The image insinuates that polls are tainted.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p><strong><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">Democracy as a Conceptual Dispute<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n<p><span data-preserver-spaces=\"true\">Finally, we also focused on <strong>how each group described and connected different ideas to the concept of democracy.<\/strong> In the pro-Bolsonaro cluster, the connections to democracy were similar to Bolsonaro&#8217;s discourse. In the group, democracy is strongly connected to &#8220;freedom&#8221;, as &#8220;individual freedom&#8221;. &#8220;Elections&#8221; is strongly connected to &#8220;cup&#8221;, &#8220;left&#8221;, &#8220;communism&#8221;, &#8220;socialism&#8221;, &#8220;dictatorship&#8221;, &#8220;crime&#8221; and &#8220;journalists&#8221;. Other frequent associations are &#8220;God&#8221; and &#8220;Family&#8221; (Figure 3).<\/span><\/p>\n<figure id=\"attachment_125\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-125\" style=\"width: 530px\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-125\" src=\"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-15.41.27-1-400x273.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"530\" height=\"362\" \/><figcaption id=\"caption-attachment-125\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Figure 3: Pro Bolsonaro&#8217;s cluster discourse about democracy.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>These connections show that<strong> Bolsonaro&#8217;s conservative discourse reverberates<\/strong> on these groups. They \u00a0hared content that supported their views on <strong>how the left represents a &#8220;risk&#8221; for democracy, as it represents &#8220;dictatorship&#8221;, &#8220;communism&#8221; and &#8220;socialism&#8221;<\/strong>. The general discourse on this cluster is also strongly based on <strong>nationalism and patriotism,<\/strong> using words connected to Brazil, Brazilians, Nation, Green and yellow (Brazilian flag colors), Emojis of the Brazilian flag, patriots, and other concepts.<\/p>\n<p>Democracy, for this group, is very connected to the idea of <strong>individual freedom<\/strong> and the combat of the <strong>ghost of communism and socialism<\/strong>. Discourses connecting <strong>disinformation to the defense of the democracy<\/strong> were also common. For instance, some posts argued that the <strong>Brazilian &#8220;constitution&#8221; allows for a &#8220;military coup&#8221; to defend democracy against the &#8220;communists&#8221;<\/strong>.\u00a0 Conspiracy theories connecting the institutions such as the Electoral Supreme Court, the Supreme Court , election fraud and others to a &#8220;leftist coup&#8221; were also frequent.<\/p>\n<figure id=\"attachment_130\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-130\" style=\"width: 400px\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-130\" src=\"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-18.51.46-400x302.png\" alt=\"Democracy from pro Lula cluster\" width=\"400\" height=\"302\" srcset=\"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-18.51.46-400x302.png 400w, https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-18.51.46-1024x774.png 1024w, https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-18.51.46-768x581.png 768w, https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-18.51.46-1536x1161.png 1536w, https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/files\/2022\/09\/Screen-Shot-2022-09-22-at-18.51.46.png 1868w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\" \/><figcaption id=\"caption-attachment-130\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Figure 5: Concepts connected to democracy from the pro-Lula cluster<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<p>From the pro-Lula cluster,<strong> we have a very different picture<\/strong>. The concept of democracy is also very connected to &#8220;Brazil&#8221; and &#8220;Brazilians&#8221;. <strong>However, it is also connected to &#8220;defense&#8221;, &#8220;respect&#8221; and &#8220;elections&#8221;<\/strong>. The &#8220;pro-democracy letter&#8221; has a central role in the discussion as well. &#8220;Vote&#8221; also has a central impact in this cluster. There is also the concept of &#8220;coup&#8221;, but more connected to &#8220;Bolsonaro&#8221;. This group also has different concepts from the first one, such as &#8220;women&#8221;, &#8220;death&#8221;, &#8220;hunger&#8221; and &#8220;work&#8221;, which are connected to frequent critics of Bolsonaro&#8217;s government (Figure 5).<\/p>\n<p>Several concepts appear in both clusters, such as &#8220;Brazil&#8221;, &#8220;Brazilians&#8221;, &#8220;rights&#8221;, &#8220;president&#8221; and &#8220;power&#8221;. In the pro-Bolsonaro cluster, these concepts are connected to nationalism. <strong>On the pro-Lula cluster, on the other hand, these same concepts are connected to an anti-Bolsonaro discourse, with critics of the president.<\/strong> This presence indicates that both clusters appropriate similar concepts to connect to their discourse, <strong>as a discursive dispute emerges on the meaning and connections of these words<\/strong>. F<strong>or one cluster, democracy is connected to respecting the election, and voting, with the liberty to choose and vote for president. For the other cluster, democracy is connected to the fear of socialism, a leftist coup, to crime, and fraud of elections. These are two very different constructions around the concept.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Conclusions<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>This study shows some context on the social media conversation about the election a few days before the date. <strong>It shows democracy is connected to different conceptions and the role disinformation has on these different meanings.<\/strong> One of the key ideas is how the election has been connected to a possible &#8220;fraud&#8221; or &#8220;coup&#8221; as conspiracy theories and disinformation freely circulate and are legitimated by these networks particularly on pro-Bolsonaro supporters. This phenomenon may create instability and distrust in the process, as voters may see any problem as a confirmation of fraud and particularly, may not accept or believe the possible unfavorable outcome for Bolsonaro.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p class=\"graf graf--p\"><em class=\"markup--em markup--p-em\">This op-ed is part of the project &#8220;Global Democracy Frontliners: Transnational Research Coalition for Tech Accountability and Democratic Innovations Centering Communities in the Margins&#8221;, coordinated by Jonathan Corpus Ong with support from Luminate\/Resonate.\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n<p class=\"graf graf--p\"><em class=\"markup--em markup--p-em\">It is also supported by the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (<\/em><strong class=\"markup--strong markup--p-strong\"><em class=\"markup--em markup--p-em\">CNPq<\/em><\/strong><em class=\"markup--em markup--p-em\">).<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Overview of results:\u00a0 The discussion and views about\u00a0democracy in Brazil are very polarized\u00a0on Facebook&#8217;s public groups and posts. This polarization is based on two groups:\u00a0pro-Bolsonaro and pro-Lula. Each group uses the same concepts but with different connections, indicating a\u00a0dispute over the meaning of these discourses; Pro-Bolsonaro&#8217;s cluster uses democracy connected to the defense of a &hellip; <a href=\"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/2022\/09\/26\/public-discourse-democracy-and-the-brazilian-presidential-election-on-metas-facebook\/\" class=\"more-link\">Continuar lendo <span class=\"screen-reader-text\">REPORT: Public Discourse, Democracy and the Brazilian Presidential Election on Meta&#8217;s Facebook<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1142,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-120","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-noticias"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/120","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1142"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=120"}],"version-history":[{"count":12,"href":"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/120\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":139,"href":"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/120\/revisions\/139"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=120"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=120"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/wp.ufpel.edu.br\/raquelrecuero\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=120"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}